Comunicación política y medios socialesanálisis del estado de la cuestión de 2008 a 2018
- 1 Cordón-Benito, David
ISSN: 1989-872X
Año de publicación: 2020
Volumen: 11
Número: 1
Páginas: 245-260
Tipo: Artículo
Otras publicaciones en: Revista Mediterránea de Comunicación: Mediterranean Journal of Communication
Resumen
This paper seeks to present the state of the art of research on political communication regarding social media from 2008 to 2018. To this end, 357 articles published in four academic Communication journals of the first quartile of the Journal Citation Reports (JCR-WoS) were analysed. In search of clarity, the paper follows the structure of Wolton’s triangle and explains the main effects that social media have over politicians, media and citizens. In general, the results show that current research is empirical and rarely focuses on comparative approaches. In addition, it puts emphasis on new technologies, placing them at the very core of the academic debate.
Referencias bibliográficas
- [1] Aalberg, T.; van Aelst, P. & Curran, J. (2010). Media Systems and the Political Information Environment: A Cross-National Comparison. International Journal of Press/Politics, 15(3), 255–271. http://doi.org/fnnrg5
- [2] Amsalem, E.; Sheafer, T.; Walgrave, S.; Loewen, P. J. & Soroka, S. N. (2017). Media Motivation and Elite Rhetoric in Comparative Perspective. Political Communication, 34(3), 385–403. http://doi.org/cvhh
- [3] Anstead, N. & O’Loughlin, B. (2011). The emerging viewertariat and BBC question time: Television debate and real-time commenting online. International Journal of Press/Politics, 16(4), 440–462. http://doi.org/czqggv
- [4] Barbas, A. & Postill, J. (2017). Communication Activism as a School of Politics: Lessons From Spain’s Indignados Movement. Journal of Communication, 67(5), 646–664. http://doi.org/gcqj74
- [5] Barnidge, M.; Huber, B.; Gil de Zúñiga, H. & Liu, J. (2018). Social Media as a Sphere for “Risky” Political Expression: A Twenty-Country Multilevel Comparative Analysis. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 23(2), 161–182. http://doi.org/c3zp
- [6] Baum, M. A., & Groeling, T. (2008). New Media and the Polarization of American Political Discourse. Political Communication, 25(4), 345–365. http://doi.org/c2nndq
- [7] Bennet, W. L.; Breunig, C. & Givens, T. (2008). Communication and political mobilization: digital media and the organization of Anti-Iraq war demonstrations in the U.S. Political Communication, 25(3), 269–289. http://doi.org/bsqfzw
- [8] Bennet, W. L. & Segerberg, A. (2012). The logic of connective action: Digital media and the personalization of contentious politics. Information, Communication and Society, 15(5), 739–768. http://doi.org/f2znbx
- [9] Blumler, J. G. & Coleman, S. (2010). Political communication in freefall: The British case-and others? International Journal of Press/Politics, 15(2), 139–154. http://doi.org/c38g9q
- [10] Boczkowski, P. J.; Mitchelstein, E. & Matassi, M. (2018). “News comes across when I’m in a moment of leisure”: Understanding the practices of incidental news consumption on social media. New media & society, 20(10), 3523-3539. http://doi.org/gc92xg
- [11] Bolsen, T. & Leeper, T. J. (2013). Self-Interest and Attention to News Among Issue Publics. Political Communication, 30(3), 329–348. http://doi.org/cvhk
- [12] Borah, P. (2013). Interactions of News Frames and Incivility in the Political Blogosphere: Examining Perceptual Outcomes. Political Communication, 30(3), 456–473. http://doi.org/cvhm
- [13] Boudreau, C. (2013). Gresham’s Law of Political Communication: How Citizens Respond to Conflicting Information. Political Communication, 30(2), 193–212. http://doi.org/cvhp
- [14] Bowyer, B. T.; Kahne, J. E. & Middaugh, E. (2015). Youth comprehension of political messages in YouTube videos. New Media and Society, 19(4), 522-541. http://doi.org/gbjjd7
- [15] Bryant, J. & Zillmann, D. (1986). Perspectives on media effects. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
- [16] Campus, D. (2010). Mediatization and Personalization of Politics in Italy and France: The Cases of Berlusconi and Sarkozy. International Journal of Press Politics, 15(2), 219-235. http://doi.org/fk399d
- [17] Canel, M. J. y Sanders, K. (2010). Para estudiar la comunicación de los gobiernos : un análisis del estado de la cuestión. Comunicación y Sociedad, 23(1), 7–48. http://bit.ly/2ru4WFc
- [18] Chadwick, A. (2013). The hybrid media system : politics and power. New York : Oxford University Press.
- [19] Chakravartty, P. & Roy, S. (2013). Media Pluralism Redux: Towards New Frameworks of Comparative Media Studies “Beyond the West”. Political Communication, 30(3), 349-370. http://doi.org/cvhr
- [20] Codina, L. (2018). Revisiones bibliográficas sistematizadas: procedimientos generales y Framework para ciencias humanas y sociales. Barcelona: Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Departamento de Comunicación, Máster Universitario en Comunicación Social. http://bit.ly/2YGSEFP
- [21] Ekstrom, M. & Shehata, A. (2018). Social media, porous boundaries, and the development of online political engagement among young citizens. New Media and Society, 20(2), 740-759. http://doi.org/f3sfm2
- [22] Enli, G. (2015). Mediated authenticity. How the media constructs reality. New York: Peter Lang.
- [23] Eshbaugh-Soha, M. (2011). Jeffrey E. Cohen Going Local: Presidential Leadership in the PostBroadcast Age. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. 246 pp. International Journal of Press/Politics, 16(1), 131–133. http://doi.org/b4gj48
- [24] Eveland, W. P.; Hutchens, M. J. & Morey, A. C. (2013). Political Network Size and Its Antecedents and Consequences. Political Communication, 30(3), 371–394. http://doi.org/cvhs
- [25] Fernández-Planells, A.; Figueras-Maz, M. & Pàmpols, C. F. (2014). Communication among young people in the #spanishrevolution: Uses of online–offline tools to obtain information about the #acampadabcn. New Media and Society, 16(8), 1287–1308. http://doi.org/cv27
- [26] Figenschou, T. U.; Kolltveit, K.; Karlsen, R. & Thorbjørnsrud, K. (2017). Serving the Media Ministers: A Mixed Methods Study on the Personalization of Ministerial Communication. International Journal of Press/Politics, 22(4), 411–430. http://doi.org/gcqk2v
- [27] Fletcher, R. & Nielsen, R. K. (2018). Are people incidentally exposed to news on social media? A comparative analysis. New Media & Society, 20(7), 2450-2468. http://doi.org/gc7mvk
- [28] Freund, K. (2012). Beckett, Charlie with Ball, James, WikiLeaks: News in the Networked Era. Media International Australia Incorporating Culture and Policy, 145(1), 159-160. http://doi.org/c3zq
- [29] Fridkin, K. L.; Kenney, P. J.; Gershon, S. A. & Serignese Woodall, G. (2008). Spinning debates: The impact of the news media’s coverage of the final 2004 presidential debate. International Journal of Press/Politics, 13(1), 29–51. http://doi.org/d5dgr9
- [30] Garrett, R. K. (2009). Politically Motivated Reinforcement Seeking: Reframing the Selective Exposure Debate. Journal of Communication, 59(4), 676–699. http://doi.org/dw3mv9
- [31] Gastil, J.; Black, L. & Moscovitz, K. (2008). Ideology, Attitude Change, and Deliberation in Small Faceto-Face Groups. Political Communication, 25(1), 23–46. http://doi.org/bxwzp3
- [32] Gervais, B. T. (2014). Following the News? Reception of Uncivil Partisan Media and the Use of Incivility in Political Expression. Political Communication, 31(4), 564–583. http://doi.org/cvmq
- [33] Gibson, R. K. & McAllister, I. (2015). Do Online Election Campaigns Win Votes? The 2007 Australian “YouTube” Election. Political Communication, 28(2), 227–244. http://doi.org/c3qq5c
- [34] Goldman, S. K. y Mutz, D. C. (2011). The Friendly Media Phenomenon: A Cross-National Analysis of Cross-Cutting Exposure. Political Communication, 28(1), 42–66. http://doi.org/b6c2s6
- [35] Gottfried, J. A.; Hardy, B. W.; Holbert, R. L.; Winneg, K. M. & Jamieson, K. H. (2017). The Changing Nature of Political Debate Consumption: Social Media, Multitasking, and Knowledge Acquisition. Political Communication, 34(2), 172–199. http://doi.org/cvmw
- [36] Ferguson, N. (2018). La plaza y la torre (Primera ed). Barcelona: Penguin Randon House.
- [37] Habermas, J. y Jiménez Redondo, M. (1987). Teoría de la acción comunicativa. Madrid : Taurus.
- [38] Hahn, K. S.; Jang, S.; Lee, J.; Lee, H.-Y. & Ha, S. (2018). The Influence of “Social Viewing” on Televised Debate Viewers’ Political Judgment. Political Communication, 35(2), 287–305. http://doi.org/cv2w
- [39] Lev-On, A. & Haleva-Amir, S. (2018). Normalizing or equalizing? Characterizing Facebook campaigning. New Media and Society, 20(2), 720–739. http://doi.org/cvm4
- [40] Hanitzsch, T.; Steindl, N. & Van Dalen, A. (2018). Caught in the Nexus: A Comparative and Longitudinal Analysis of Public Trust in the Press. International Journal of Press/Politics, 23(1), 3–23. http://doi.org/gcqfdb
- [41] Hartman, T. K. (2012). Toll Booths on the Information Superhighway? Policy Metaphors in the Case of Net Neutrality. Political Communication, 29(3), 278–298. http://doi.org/gcx52r
- [42] Hassanpour, N. (2014). Media Disruption and Revolutionary Unrest: Evidence From Mubarak’s QuasiExperiment. Political Communication, 31(1), 1–24. http://doi.org/cvmx
- [43] Hermans, L. & Vergeer, M. (2013). Personalization in e-campaigning: A cross-national comparison of personalization strategies used on candidate websites of 17 countries in EP elections 2009. New Media and Society, 15(1), 72–92. http://doi.org/cvmz
- [44] Ignatieff, M. (2015). Trudeau trounces the politics of enmity. Financial Times. https://on.ft.com/2Ia4oem
- [45] Isin, E. F. & Ruppert, E. S. (2015). Being Digital Citizens. London: Rowman & Littlefield International.
- [46] Iyengar, S. & Hahn, K. S. (2009). Red Media, Blue Media: Evidence of Ideological Selectivity in Media Use. Journal of Communication, 59(1), 19-39. http://doi.org/b8xms6
- [47] Jenkins, A.; Nikolaev, A. & Porpora, D. V. (2012). Moral Reasoning and the Online Debate About Iraq. Political Communication, 29(1), 44–63. http://doi.org/fx62fj
- [48] Kim, Y.; Hsu, S. & de Zúñiga, H. G. (2013). Influence of social media use on discussion network heterogeneity and civic engagement: The moderating role of personality traits. Journal of Communication, 63(3), 498–516. http://doi.org/f42bmm
- [49] Kim, J. W. (2018). Rumor has it: The effects of virality metrics on rumor believability and transmission on Twitter. New Media & Society, 20(12), 4807-4825. http://doi.org/gdtmrt
- [50] Kreiss, D.; Lawrence, R. & McGregor, S. (2018). In their own words: Political practitioner accounts of candidates, audiences, affordances, genres, and timing in strategic social media use. Political communication, 35(1), 8-31. http://doi.org/c3zr
- [51] Kruikemeier, S. & Shehata, A. (2017). News Media Use and Political Engagement Among Adolescents: An Analysis of Virtuous Circles Using Panel Data. Political Communication, 34(2), 221–242. http://doi.org/f3rwtv
- [52] Lance Bennett, W.; Breunig, C. & Givens, T. (2008). Communication and Political Mobilization: Digital Media and the Organization of Anti-Iraq War Demonstrations in the U.S. Political Communication, 25(3), 269–289. http://doi.org/bsqfzw
- [53] Langer, A. I. (2010). The politicisation of private persona : the case of Tony Blair in historical perspective. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 15(1), 60-76. http://doi.org/dp9t7c
- [54] Lee, E.-J. & Oh, S. Y. (2013). Seek and You Shall Find? How Need for Orientation Moderates Knowledge Gain from Twitter Use. Journal of Communication, 63(4), 745-765. http://doi.org/f466t2
- [55] Leung, D. K. K. & Lee, F. L. F. (2014). Cultivating an Active Online Counterpublic: Examining Usage and Political Impact of Internet Alternative Media. International Journal of Press/Politics, 19(3), 340–359. http://doi.org/f5979d
- [56] Levendusky, M. (2013). Partisan Media Exposure and Attitudes Toward the Opposition. Political Communication, 30(4), 565–581. http://doi.org/cvm5
- [57] Levendusky, M. & Malhotra, N. (2016). Does Media Coverage of Partisan Polarization Affect Political Attitudes? Political Communication, 33(2), 283–301. http://doi.org/cv22
- [58] Lipsky, M. (1968). Protest as a Political Resource. The American Political Science Review, 62(4), 1144– 1158. http://doi.org/cw8g48
- [59] Louw, P. E. (2005). The media and political process. London : SAGE.
- [60] Mancini, P. (1999). New Frontiers in Political Professionalism. Political Communication, 16(3), 231–245. http://doi.org/bdmxtq
- [61] Margolin, D. B.; Hannak, A. & Weber, I. (2018). Political Fact-Checking on Twitter: When Do Corrections Have an Effect? Political Communication, 35(2), 196–219. http://doi.org/cv28
- [62] McGregor, S. C. (2018). Personalization, social media, and voting: Effects of candidate selfpersonalization on vote intention. New Media and Society, 20(3), 1139–1160. http://doi.org/gdfqtk
- [63] McPherson, M.; Smith-Lovin, L. & Cook, J. M. (2001). BIRDS OF A FEATHER: Homophily in Social Networks. Annual Review of Sociology, 27, 415–444. http://doi.org/fs9tff
- [64] Mutz, D. & Young, L. (2011). Communication and public opinion: plus ça change? The Public Opinion Quarterly, 75(5), 1018-1044. http://doi.org/dzbszw
- [65] Nielsen, R. K. (2018). No one cares what we know: three responses to the irrelevance of political communication research. Political Communication, 35(1), 145–149. http://doi.org/c4bj
- [66] Nisbet, E. C. & Myers, T. A. (2010). Challenging the State: Transnational TV and Political Identity in the Middle East. Political Communication, 27(4), 347–366. http://doi.org/dvb6z7
- [67] Nivola, P. S. & Brady, D. W. (2006). Red and blue nation? : consequences and correction of America’s polarized politics. [Stanford, Calif.] : Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford University; Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.
- [68] Potter, W. J. (1994). Cultivation theory and research: a methodological critique. Journalism Monographs, 147, 1–34.
- [69] Potter, J. & Dunaway, J. L. (2016). Reinforcing or Breaking Party Systems? Internet Communication Technologies and Party Competition in Comparative Context. Political Communication, 33(3), 392–413. http://doi.org/bsz5
- [70] Rebolledo, M. (2017). La personalización de la política: una propuesta de definición para su estudio sistemático. Revista de comunicación, 16(2), 147–176. http://doi.org/cv2r
- [71] Ridout, T. N. (2011). The Obama Victory How Media Money and Message Shaped the 2008 Election by Kate Kenski Bruce W Hardy and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Political Communication, 28(2), 250–252. http://doi.org/b4mv7s
- [72] Rittenberg, J. (2011). Rude Democracy: Civility and Incivility in American Politics, by Susan Herbst The Virtues of Mendacity: On Lying in Politics, by Martin Jay. Political Communication, 28(2), 248–250. http://doi.org/d599d7
- [73] Rodríguez-Virgili, J.; López-Escobar, E. y Tolsá, A. (2011). La percepción pública de los políticos, los partidos y la política, y uso de medios de comunicación. Comunicación y Sociedad, 24(2), 7-40. http://bit.ly/2LDdZL0
- [74] Rodríguez-Virgili, J.; Jandura, O. & Rebolledo, M. (2014). The Personalization of Politics in the Media Coverage: a Comparison of Election Campaigns in Spain and Germany. Trípodos, 34, 61-79. http://bit.ly/2setou0
- [75] Serrano-Puche, J.; Fernández, C. B. & Rodríguez-Virgili, J. (2018). Political information and incidental exposure in social media: the cases of Argentina, Chile, Spain, and Mexico. Doxa Comunicación, 27, 1942. http://doi.org/dbr7
- [76] Shaker, L. (2014). Dead Newspapers and Citizens’ Civic Engagement. Political Communication, 31(1), 131–148. http://doi.org/cwf7
- [77] Sobieraj, S. & Berry, J. M. (2011). From incivility to outrage: Political discourse in blogs, talk radio, and cable news. Political Communication, 28(1), 19–41. http://doi.org/c65wmh
- [78] Stier, S.; Schünemann, W. J. & Steiger, S. (2018). Of activists and gatekeepers: Temporal and structural properties of policy networks on Twitter. New Media and Society, 20(5), 1910–1930. http://doi.org/gc7mtw
- [79] Stohl, C. (2014). Crowds, Clouds, and Community. Journal of Communication, 64(1), 1–19. http://doi.org/cvnb
- [80] Strömbäck, J.; Djerf-Pierre, M. & Shehata, A. (2016). A Question of Time? A Longitudinal Analysis of the Relationship between News Media Consumption and Political Trust. International Journal of Press/Politics, 21(1), 88–110. http://doi.org/f3ng5h
- [81] Stromer-Galley, J. & Muhlberger, P. (2009). Agreement and Disagreement in Group Deliberation: Effects on Deliberation Satisfaction, Future Engagement, and Decision Legitimacy. Political Communication, 26(2), 173–192. http://doi.org/bhc5ft
- [82] Stroud, N. J.; Muddiman, A. & Lee, J. A. E. K. (2014). Seeing Media as Group Members: An Evaluation of Partisan Bias Perceptions. Journal of Communication, 64(5), 874-894. http://doi.org/f6shjz
- [83] Sydnor, E. (2018). Platforms for Incivility: Examining Perceptions Across Different Media Formats. Political Communication, 35(1), 97-116. http://doi.org/cvnc
- [84] Taylor, J. B. (2017). Extreme Media and American Politics : In Defense of Extremity. Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.
- [85] Theocharis, Y.; Barberá, P.; Fazekas, Z.; Adrian Popa, S. & Parnet, O. (2016). A Bad Workman Blames His Tweets: The Consequences of Citizens’ Uncivil Twitter Use when Interacting With Party Candidates. Journal of Communication, 66(6), 1007–1031. http://doi.org/f9p5x4
- [86] Tocqueville, A. de y Viejo Viñas, R. (2005). La democracia en América. Madrid : Akal.
- [87] Usher, N.; Littman, J. & Holcomb, J. (2018). Twitter Makes It Worse: Political Journalists, Gendered Echo Chambers and the Amplification of Gender Bias. International Journal of Press/Politics, 23(3), 324-344. http://doi.org/gdw7zx
- [88] Vaccari, C.; Chadwick, A. & O'Loughlin, B. (2015). Dual Screening the Political Media Events, Social Media, and Citizen Engagement. Journal of Communication, 65(6), 1041-1061. http://doi.org/cvnf
- [89] Vaccari, C. & Valeriani, A. (2016). Party Campaigners or Citizen Campaigners? How Social Media Deepen and Broaden Party-Related Engagement. International Journal of Press/Politics, 21(3), 294-312. http://doi.org/f8s8db
- [90] Valera-Ordaz, L. (2018). Medios, identidad nacional y exposición selectiva: Predictores de preferencias mediáticas de los catalanes. Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 164, 135– 154. http://doi.org/cvng
- [91] Vargo, C. J.; Guo, L.; McCombs, M. & Shaw, D. L. (2014). Network Issue Agendas on Twitter During the 2012 U.S. Presidential Election. Journal of Communication, 64(2), 296–316. http://doi.org/f5x3hd
- [92] Vargo, C. J.; Guo, L. & Amazeen, M. A. (2018). The agenda-setting power of fake news: A big data analysis of the online media landscape from 2014 to 2016. New Media and Society, 20(5), 2028-2049. http://doi.org/gc92vf
- [93] Vraga, E. K.; Edgerly, S.; Wang, B. M. & Shah, D. V. (2011). Who Taught Me That? Repurposed News, Blog Structure, and Source Identification. Journal of Communication, 61(5), 795–815. http://doi.org/btvwrr
- [94] Wessler, H. (2008). Investigating deliberativeness comparatively. Political Communication, 25(1), 1–22. http://doi.org/c8wmmf
- [95] Wolton, D. (1999). Sobre la comunicación. Madrid: Acento Editorial
- [96] Wojcieszak, M.; Bimber, B.; Feldman, L. & Stroud, N. J. (2016). Partisan news and political participation: exploring mediated relationships. Political Communication, 33(2), 241-260. http://doi.org/cv2z
- [97] Wojcieszak, M. E. & Mutz, D. (2009). Online Groups and Political Discourse: Do Online Discussion Spaces Facilitate Exposure to Political Disagreement? Journal of Communication, 59(1), 40–56. http://doi.org/c8q2xq
- [98] Wright, S. G. (2012). Politics as Usual? Revolution, Normalization and a New Agenda for Online Deliberation. New Media & Society, 14(2), 244–261. http://doi.org/d2zbmx